Al Jazeera Journalism Review

Syria's Omawieen Square

Independent Syrian Journalism: From Revolution to Assad's Fall

(This article was originally published in Arabic) 

 

Independent Syrian journalism played a pivotal role in exposing regime corruption and documenting war crimes during the 13-year revolution, despite immense risks to journalists, including imprisonment, assassination, and exile. Operating from abroad, these journalists pioneered investigative and open-source reporting, preserving evidence, and shaping narratives that challenged the Assad regime's propaganda.

 

About two and a half months before Assad's fall, my colleagues and I were putting the finishing touches on an investigative report I contributed to as part of a project with the Organised Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) and the Syrian Investigative Reporting for Accountability Journalism (SIRAJ) unit. The investigation dismantled the largest forgery network in the history of Syrian sports, which began under Assad Sr. and persisted under his son Bashar, who inherited power after him.

On the eve of the investigation’s publication, I flooded my colleagues with late-night calls, expressing fear and my inability to sleep due to the potential repercussions on my family in Syria. Even though I was a journalist in exile and beyond the reach of Syrian intelligence, the fear did not leave me, and I did not sleep that night. During the calls, my colleagues and I oscillated between reassurance and warnings about how the Syrian sports apparatus was controlled with an iron fist by generals in the army and security forces. We knew the gravity of the situation and took it seriously.

This fear and anxiety were but one instance among dozens of similar moments I experienced over the past years—moments shared by dozens, even hundreds, of other Syrian journalists.

That night passed, and the investigation was published. In the days that followed, I was gripped with fear. My heart raced every time my phone rang, dreading the possibility of bad news from Syria.

This fear and anxiety were but one instance among dozens of similar moments I experienced over the past years—moments shared by dozens, even hundreds, of other Syrian journalists. Their fears ranged from the threat of arrest and being thrown into one of the regime's blood-soaked prisons to retribution against their families, harassment, and accusations of treason or espionage.

Although Bashar al-Assad ultimately fled in his final moments—escaping aboard a private jet to Moscow just hours before opposition fighters entered the capital—independent Syrian media played a pivotal role in this 13-year journey of transformation sparked by the revolution.

Before the Syrian revolution, independent media did not exist. There were only a few promising attempts, all of which were swiftly crushed by the intelligence apparatus. Syrians were limited to the three official newspapers and state television, in addition to a handful of private newspapers, satellite channels, and radio stations aligned with the regime's narrative—products of the historical symbiosis between capital and power. This allowed the state to maintain total control over the media, tightening its grip on all outlets. Obtaining a license for a new media platform took years of intelligence vetting, ensuring the absolute loyalty of the applicants.

Although Bashar al-Assad ultimately fled in his final moments—escaping aboard a private jet to Moscow just hours before opposition fighters entered the capital—independent Syrian media played a pivotal role in this 13-year journey of transformation sparked by the revolution.

 

The Cost of Speaking Out

When the revolution erupted and the regime cracked down on journalists with an iron fist, most fled the country. Those who stayed were either killed, arrested, or forced to abandon journalism. A total of 180 journalists lost their lives at the hands of the Syrian regime; 161 were directly killed by regime forces or during torture in its prisons, and 17 were killed by Russian airstrikes, Assad's ally. Other organisations documented even higher numbers of journalists killed by the regime. These figures do not account for journalists killed by other parties to the conflict, underscoring the heavy price journalists paid for their words.

The violations went beyond killings. The Syrian regime carried out a variety of abuses, including the detention and enforced disappearance of independent journalists—like the American journalist Austin Tice, whose fate remains unknown. They also resorted to bombings, as in the case of photojournalist Khaled al-Issa, and tortured journalists in detention. Journalists were also targeted by snipers and direct shelling of their offices, as with journalist Marie Colvin.

The regime stifled freedom of expression by shutting down platforms that did not align with its narrative, imposing censorship and control over internet content and social media, and intimidating journalists with smear campaigns.

For journalists who fled, many succeeded in laying the foundation for independent journalism unshackled by restrictions—something Syria had never known. Syrian journalists distinguished themselves with their courage on the front lines, reporting from areas with unprecedented levels of danger to reveal what was happening in Syria. In some cases, coverage came directly from the frontlines of battle.

 

Alternative Journalism

Independent investigative journalism that emerged after the revolution played a crucial role in exposing the corruption entrenched within the regime. It revealed undeniable truths, even to regime supporters, employing journalistic styles previously unfamiliar in Syria. These outlets developed tools that appealed to reason rather than emotion, despite operating primarily from exile. This exile complicated their mission and forced them to innovate in the face of the regime's propaganda machine, which had the advantages of state funding and control over the ground.

One of the most promising aspects of independent Syrian media was the creation of a comprehensive archive of events in Syria, ensuring that evidence—such as videos of arrests, torture, shootings of protesters, and the use of internationally prohibited weapons—was preserved despite the risk of social media platforms deleting or manipulating this material.

New and promising initiatives emerged, offering narratives starkly different from the rigid "wooden" discourse propagated by regime media. Independent journalism targeted audiences' intellects rather than their emotions, pioneering investigative journalism that provided documented evidence of the regime's crimes. For the first time, open-source intelligence (OSINT) journalism emerged in Syria, breaking the regime's monopoly on information and documents. Large-scale investigations were published using only open-source material.

One of the most promising aspects of independent Syrian media was the creation of a comprehensive archive of events in Syria, ensuring that evidence—such as videos of arrests, torture, shootings of protesters, and the use of internationally prohibited weapons—was preserved despite the risk of social media platforms deleting or manipulating this material. This archive aimed to serve as evidence for future trials of perpetrators.

Additionally, independent outlets embraced new forms of journalism, such as solutions journalism, podcasts, and in-depth analytical reporting, thanks to their openness to global trends. Most of these independent media organisations operated from exile, which both hindered their efforts and compelled them to refine their methods in the face of Assad's media machine.

 

Challenges and Survival

While most independent and alternative media outlets founded after 2011 ultimately closed due to financial problems and editorial challenges, those that survived managed to establish strong administrative structures, sustainable funding sources, and professional journalistic standards.

Meanwhile, official Syrian media in Damascus chose the path of least resistance in confronting the revolution. Since 2011, it relied on raising its voice and intensifying propaganda, preferring this approach over engaging with independent media or updating its tools. This inability to compete left official media disconnected from the dynamic discourse of independent outlets.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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